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    Malaysian Neo-Nazism
    by Victoria Vexelman & Tuvia Lerner
    Oct 29, '03 / 3 Cheshvan 5764

    The Islamic Summit Conference has been hosted by Malaysia for the first time since September 11. It was a representative gathering of 57 leaders of Muslim nations, including Mr. Vladimir Putin, who vigorously tried to make his way to the Organization of Islamic Conference. They arrived to discuss, in a closed circle, some urgent and painful problems, to express their opinions frankly and earnestly, without fear of breaching the rules of political correctness.

    Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr. Mahathir Mohammad acted as a speaker for billions of simple Muslims in his opening statement, which could be well appreciated by both Himmler and Ribbentrop. “The Europeans killed six million Jews out of 12 million. But today the Jews rule this world by proxy. They get others to fight and die for them. We are up against a people who think. They survived 2,000 years of pogroms not by hitting back, but by thinking. They invented and successfully promoted Socialism, Communism, human rights and democracy so that persecuting them would appear to be wrong, so they may enjoy equal rights with others. With these, they have now gained control of the most powerful countries and they, this tiny community, have become a world power. We cannot fight them through brawn alone. We must use our brains also.”

    It means that those cunning Jews “invented human rights” to deceive other nations into accepting them as equals and to make them feel ashamed of active participation in pogroms and genocide.

    Mr. Prime Minister of Malaysia has reminded many that there are 1.3 billion Muslims all over the world. “We are actually very strong. 1.3 billion people cannot be simply wiped out.” But the most terrible problem is that they are “up against people who think”, and their clerics preached them not to study sciences and math, those diabolic inventions of the Western civilization. So in order to achieve a “final victory” over a mortal “enemy”, “we must use our brains also.”

    It was the right time to get up and leave the conference hall. We could have expected it from the leaders of the former Soviet republics, which became independent Islamic states and maintain good relations with Israel, and every now and then turn to us for humanitarian help. We could have expected it from the president of the nuclear superpower, Mr. Putin. But it didn’t happen. All of them remained seated and heartily applauded the speaker, evidently sharing his views, and even thankful to the Prime Minister who voiced them out loud.

    Afghani President Hamid Karzai said Mahathir was just “talking about issues confronting the Muslim world and what Muslims should do.” Yemen's Foreign Minister Abu Bakr al-Qurbi said he supported Mahathir "100 percent". "The prime minister outlined a very important issue that the Israelis and the Jews control most of the economy and the media in the world," he said.

    It is only natural. A simple analysis of the recent events in Europe clearly shows that World War II is not over. The best example is the former Yugoslavia, where staunch members of the Nazi alliance, Bosnians and Croatians, with the strong backing of the European powers, dealt with Serbs, the only nation that fought against Nazi Germany and protected the Jews. Now answer a simple question, which territory was heavily exposed to the NATO bombing? Right, the Serbs.

    What nations voice the strongest condemnation of Israel, blaming it for every act of self-defense, proclaiming boycott of Israeli goods and ousting Israeli scientists? Norway, Belgium, France, the former collaborators of Nazi Germany. England found itself in the same company, but she has a long account of her own with the Jews. In May 1948, Great Britain was thrown out of Palestine, and finally from all the Middle East, because the Jews in fact created an independent state of their own.

    In 1917, Great Britain received a mandate from the League of Nations for the creation of the Jewish National Home in Palestine. Note, the Jewish National Home, and in Palestine, on both banks of the Jordan River. The idea was totally rejected by the Arabs, Germany’s allies in the Middle East. On the contrary, this desolated, poverty-stricken province then became the centerpiece for the whole Arab world.

    The British tried to promote various peaceful initiatives. For example, in December 1935, Sir Arthur Wauchope, the high commissioner, ventured an attempt to establish a legislative council, including both Ababs and Jews, under an impartial chairman from outside Palestine. But the plan was flatly rejected by the Mufti Haj Amin al-Husseini and his followers. To them, the very notion of Jewish membership in a Palestine legislature was unthinkable. Nor were the Jews enthusiastic about the scheme, detecting in it a potential Arab veto over the Jewish National Home.

    In 1936, as Howard Sachar puts it in his book A History of Israel from the Rise of Zionism to Our Time: “With Axis moral and ideological support, therefore, with Britain increasingly on the defensive in Europe, the Mufti’s followers decided that the chance to strike back at Zionist incursions would never be more timely.” (p. 199)

    The first acts of violence occurred during April 1936. The upsurge of violence was the Mufti’s opportunity. “Haj Amin’s financial power was at its apogee, with yearly income from Waqf and orphan funds totaling nearly 115,000 [Palestinian pounds] in 1936. The greater part of this money was used now to subsidize his representatives and organizers, who became active in Moslem towns and villages throughout the country.” (p. 199-200)

    By midsummer of 1936, the intensity of the fighting mounted as Arabs irregulars poured into the hill country around Jerusalem, into Galilee and Samaria. A majority of them at first were local Palestinians recruited by Haj Amin agents. But soon “Committees for the Defense of Palestine” were established in neighboring Arab lands, Syrian and Iraqi volunteers began arriving in Palestine at the rate of two or three hundred a month. Their leader, Fawzi al-Qawukji, played a vital role in the ensuing civil war. He cultivated unquestionable dynamism “in open imitation of his hero, Adolf Hitler.”

    The British allowed it to be known that if the fighting and strike came to an end, a Royal Commission of Inquiry would be dispatched to Palestine and the Arab Higher Committee might then present its complaints in the appropriate diplomatic circles. The situation is strikingly reminiscent of the present one. The Arabs had only one requirement - to create an Arab Palestinian state including both Transjordan and Western Palestine.

    While British rulers tried to appease the Arabs, the latter found a more effective ally. The alternative of Axis patronage was systematically encouraged by Rome and Berlin. During 1937, the Italian radio transmitter at Bari doubled its Arabic-language broadcasts to the Levant, striking vigorously at British and French imperialism and at Zionism as a British instrument.

    The Nazi anti-Jewish program, of course, was animated by domestic considerations. On July 1, 1937, Foreign Minister Konstantin von Neurath issued special instructions to German legations in the Middle East:

    “The formation of a Jewish state or a Jewish-led political structure under a British Mandate is not in German interest, since a Palestinian state would not absorb world Jewry, but would create an additional position of power under international law for international Jewry, somewhat like the Vatican state for political Catholicism or Moscow for the Comintern. …Germany therefore has an interest in strengthening the Arab world as a counterweight against such a possible increase in power for world Jewry.” (p. 210)

    The same idea was now voiced by the Malaysian PM Mohammed Mahathir. At the opening of the 10th Session of the Islamic Summit Conference on October 16, 2003, he called on the Muslim world to unite their efforts in order to defeat a common enemy, which has already begun “to make mistakes”.

    The lame apology of the minister of foreign affairs demonstrates naive, naturally disingenuous anti-Semitism. The minister, Sayad Hamid Albar, explained that his chief’s comments had been taken out of context and misinterpreted: “Islam has never been anti. …We only had a problem with the Jews when Israel appeared.”; “I’m sorry that you misunderstood his comments. He didn’t want to make a conflict. He just wanted to show that when you start thinking, you really become stronger.”

    In fact, Mr. Prime Minister said, “1.3 billion Muslims cannot be defeated by a few million Jews.” He suggested using political, economic and demographic tactics in order to win a “final victory”.

    We’ve heard this magnificent phrase from the Communist rulers: “We have nothing against Jews, we oppose Zionism and the State of Israel.”

    Strategy and tactics formulated by the Nazi ministry of foreign affairs outlived Nazi Germany. It was used to the utmost by the Communist leaders of the Soviet Union and the KGB. We can clearly see the same “long ears” under the cover of the Oslo agreements and the Road Map, produced in a joint effort by the United States, the United Nations, Russia and the European Union.

    But if we return to the period of World War II, we’ll see that the seeds of the Nazi propaganda fell on fertilized soil. German agents enjoyed cordial relations with the Mufti and his friends. Dr. Said al-Fattah al-Iman, president of the Arab Club of Damascus, traveled to Berlin on behalf of the Mufti to seek German financial and military help. These appeals did not go unanswered. Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, chief of German military intelligence, allocated limited resources to the Mufti. Quantities of weapons from Suehl and Erfurter Gewehrfabrik works were dispatched to Palestine by way of Iraq and Saudi Arabia. (p. 211)

    Arab editors borrowed freely now from Nazi and anti-Semitic cliches. When the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday was celebrated in May 1937, German and Italian flags and photographs of Hitler and Mussolini were carried prominently by Arab demonstrators in Palestine, while Arab newspapers hailed these demonstrations as a “significant gesture of sympathy and respect with the Nazis and Fascists in their trials at the hands of Jewish intrigues and international financial pressure.”

    In June 1942 when the port of Tobruk fell to Rommel, the British suddenly were threatened with the most far-reaching military disaster since the collapse of France. In Cairo, all east-bound trains to Palestine were jammed. A thick mist of smoke was hanging over the British embassy on the banks of the Nile as huge quantities of secret documents were burned.

    The Egyptian government refused at the outset to declare war on Italy, even when Italian bombs were falling on Alexandria. In May 1941, General Aziz Ali al-Misri, a former inspector general of the Egyptian army, left Cairo secretly for Beirut in an Egyptian air force plane. The RAF intercepted his craft, and it was subsequently revealed that the general had intended to defect to the Axis with vital data on British troop’s strength.

    A month earlier, King Faruk himself had communicated with Hitler through his ambassador in Teheran, stating that “he was filled with strong admiration for the Fuehrer and respect for the German people, whose victory over England he desired most sincerely. Now that German troops stood victorious at the Egyptian frontier, the people long for an occupation of the country, certain that the Germans are coming as liberators.” (p. 228)

    In a word, in the hour of need, only Jews proved loyal to the British. In fact, they were a lonely ally of Britain. The Jewish Agency mobilized the Yishuv’s resources for wartime agricultural and industrial purposes. Two thousand Palestinian Jewish factories were operating when the war broke. Within the next year, four hundred new ones were built, essentially related to British military needs. It was a supportive effort that, not incidentally, laid the basis for an expanded Jewish economy in Palestine.

    The Yishuv identification with Britain’s cause assumed other, equally tangible forms. In the first months of the war, the Va’ad Leumi announced the registration of volunteers for national service. Within five days, 136,000 men and women enrolled. They hoped that their participation in the battle against the Nazis would oblige Britain to reconsider the Zionist case. The Jewish Agency even planned to organize these troops as a separate force under its own flag, something akin the Jewish Legion of World War I. But from the outset, the idea was opposed by British military and civilian officials in the Middle East. They were afraid of a renewal of the Arab uprising.

    This was the policy of Chamberlain. Jewish support was needed, but “there must be no misunderstandings as to the possibility of rewards, whether in the form of further immigration to Palestine or otherwise.”

    Churchill, on the contrary, was intrigued by the idea of arming Palestine Jewry, if only to release British troops in the Holy Land for other fronts.

    In July 1942, Rommel’s forces were hurled back at al-Alamein, and four months later, driven out of Libya altogether by a reorganized Eighth Army under the command of Lieutenant General Bernard Montgomery. By then, in any case, the joint effort with the Jews was becoming a source of discomfiture to the mandatory government; Zionist spokesmen already were making pointed contrasts between the Jewish and Arab war efforts. Once the danger to Palestine ebbed in the autumn of 1942, therefore, the British closed the various Palmach training bases, and even demanded lists containing names and addresses of Palmach members. The alliance finally ended in bad blood when the British army appropriated the weapons it had distributed earlier to the Palmach. Refusing dissolution, however, the Jewish defense force simply became an underground once again.

    On the eve of Germany’s capitulation, Arabs hastily declared war on Germany, sent a number of battalions to the British army, thus finding themselves among the victorious fighters against the Nazis.

    In Europe, France, Belgium and Norway proclaimed themselves to be occupied nations that had never ever participated in the Nazi atrocities. That’s how only Germany, Italy and Japan went through the process of de-Nazification. Belgium, France, Norway and Arab countries were spared this painful process.

    Nowadays, these nations have become hotbeds of sophisticated anti-Semitism, they wage active anti-Israeli policies aimed at a stage-by-stage elimination of the State of Israel.

    There’s nothing shocking in the Malaysian PM’s comments, they are natural and predictable, if we only take into consideration the traditional Arab-Muslim attitude and sympathy towards Nazis.

    But more troublesome than the statement itself is the reaction of the international community. We’ve been told that Mahathir’s comments caused a storm of harshest reprimands and rebukes. Yet not a single country has called home her ambassador from Kuala Lumpur. Only Britain invited the Malaysian ambassador to the Foreign Office. President Bush said that Mahathir’s comments “contradict everything he believes in,” and Condoliza Rice said that his words were “not emblematic of the Muslim world.”

    De-Nazified Europeans had been easily persuaded by the French president that it was inappropriate to issue a harsh declaration condemning the apparent anti-Semitism of the Malaysian Prime Minister, and President Putin applauded his speech in unison with his Arab friends without even weighing the option of leaving the audience.

    That same conscience of Belgium or Scandinavian countries, which screams violently at the death of every terrorist, didn’t even wake up. Kofi Annan, who pretends to be the “conscience of all humanity” and strongly reprimands Israel after the death of every terrorist who happens not to be wearing a “martyr’s belt”, turned a deaf ear to the Malaysian Prime Minister’s statement (in the same way he turned a blind eye to the bombing of human shields in Bosnia by the NATO troops).

    The logic is simple: as long as Arabs and Muslims speak of the elimination of Jews “only”, this rhetoric is acceptable for a civilized Christian. It sounds even politically correct, and arouses nostalgia for the good old times, when the people’s wrath and envy of the dark masses was poured from time to time on Jewish heads; it serves as a lightning rod for monarchs, chancellors, fuehrers and corrupted grandees.

    But they somehow forgot a most important historical lesson. The problem is that “wrath and rage of the dark masses” soon gets out of control and generates great revolutions and world wars. Until mass conscience realizes that it is impossible to kill all the Jews and save the world, oceans of blood will be spilled - and not only Jewish blood.

    It seems the last manifestation of this attitude took place too long ago to draw a historical lesson based on a thorough analysis of the past; on the other hand, it was too recent to let one forget such a significant lesson. Correct me if I am wrong, but maybe I just overestimate our civilization.
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